The idea for the first few years was to learn intensively. Only 5,000 households in the monga– (seasonal famine) affected region in the north of the country were targeted in 2002, and I was given the responsibility for the research of the program. It was an opportunity for deep immersive learning, a phase of action learning. During this time, I worked hard to imbibe in my small team, a culture of action research and a dialogical relationship, where the researchers would be excited and hungry to learn about small program details, and the program colleagues would actively co-create the research questions based on real programmatic challenges. We were enlightening each other. We were not in a hurry or focused on producing formal research outputs per se. We just wanted to learn so that we could use it to improve the program’s outcome. We of course ended up producing an impressive range of journal publications and creating a lot of global interest in this important innovation.
I particularly remember two moments of epiphany during my UPG field visits. These events sealed in my mind the criticality of the context in which people live, the relational nature of poverty, and the crying need for considering both program design and research.
The first incident was around targeting. After the PWR, a mini-survey on the bottom group in the wealth ranking would be carried out to select final participants. It was quickly discovered that some households were not even on the list prepared during the PWR. We initially thought that this was due to a deliberate exclusion by the PWR participants due to village politics and power. We wanted to dig deeper. We found out that these “excluded” households were mostly without any homestead land of their own and were staying as “dependents” in other people’s homesteads. Economically, these households were independent, but socially, they were not considered independent households. We realised that the “exclusion” was not deliberate but due to the terms we used for households during the PWR exercise—we used the word khana, while these types of households were locally termed as utholi, those who stay in other peoples’ homestead. We immediately took a number of steps to incorporate these learnings. The importance of questioning received ways of seeing and thinking, and the centrality of social and local in development knowledge generation and action got hardwired in me since this experience.
Then came the question of protecting the asset given to participating households. Most of these households did not have space in their homestead to rear the poultry and livestock and would keep them next to where they slept by extending their room. Some did not have their own homesteads. The cage rearing of poultry would create a stench, while the goats would stray into neighbours’ vegetable plots. Neighbours would demotivate the UPG members and there would be frequent conflicts related to assets.
For the first time, I observed first-hand the relational nature of poverty, and the importance of genuine community engagement who were not the direct beneficiaries of the program. To address this challenge, we came up with the idea of the Gram Daridro Bimochon Committee, finding and organizing people in the community who were more empathetic and helpful to the poor people.
I have been involved with UPG ever since in some capacity, albeit my hiatus for a few years when I was working with Save the Children International. But, my immersion with UPG in its early years has changed me forever, not only as a researcher but also in how I look at the world and the possibilities of making it better, as a person.
Dr Imran Matin is the Executive Director of the BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD), BRAC University.
“UPG & Me: 20 Years of the Graduation Approach” is an ongoing blog series from BIGD where researchers and practitioners reflect on the impact of the Ultra-Poor Graduation in framing their perspectives in their worldview. Read the second part here.