In Bangladesh, 1 in 2 married women report suffering from some form of physical or sexual violence during their lives, and 1 in 4 reports having endured it in the previous 12 months (BBS, 2016). A large body of empirical evidence suggests that low-income women are at a higher risk (Aizer, 2010), but the link between poverty and violence remains poorly understood. In this study, we ask whether violence is independent of or contingent on wife transgression—a frequently cited justification for violent punishment—and the extent to which concerns over self- or social image may incite violence.
Researchers: Nina Buchmann; Atonu Rabbani; Paula Lopez; Sakib Mahmood; Hasibul Hasan Emon; Maisha Maliha Rahman; Farzin Mumtahena
Partners: IPV, Stanford University, Queen’s University, BIGD, BRAC JPGSPH, University of Dhaka, World Bank, SVRI, Grand Challenges Canada, National Science Foundation, Weiss Foundation, Stanford King Center on Global Development, Development Innovation Ventures, USAID, Center for Effective Global Action (CEGA), CRI Foundation, Graduate Research, Opportunity fund (GRO), George P. Shultz Dissertation Fund, The Agency Fund, GDI, Solutions, LLC
Timeline: 2019-2025
Status: Ongoing
Contact: Hasibul Hasan; hasibul.hasan@bracu.ac.bd
Context
Bangladesh has one of the highest rates of victimization and justification of domestic violence in the world: One in every two married women reports having endured such an experience during their lifetime, and one in every four reports having endured it in the past year (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 2016). Wife transgression is widely accepted as a reason for spousal violence in many parts of the country (Sarkar, 2010; Yount et al., 2013). Understanding what drives spousal abuse, and its complex relationship with income, is essential for designing effective anti-violence interventions and avoiding a potential backlash against victims. And yet, evidence on causal links and pathways of change remains limited.
Lifetime exposure to domestic violence is correlated with impaired cognitive function and adverse economic and health outcomes (Erten and Keskin, 2018), including acute pain, difficulty walking, gynecological disorders, memory loss, and suicidal attempts (Ellsberg et al., 2008; Campbell, 2002). In addition, children raised in abusive households are more likely to experience poor developmental outcomes (Aizer, 2011; Carrell and Hoekstra, 2010; Koenen et al., 2003; Huth-Bocks et al., 2001). A large body of empirical evidence suggests that low-income women are at a higher risk (Aizer, 2010), but the link between poverty and violence remains poorly understood. In this paper, we ask whether violence is independent of or contingent on wife transgression, a frequently cited justification for violent punishment – and the extent to which concerns over self- or social image may incite violence. This study aims to assess the relative importance of different motives for which husbands might use violence against their wives as well as the reasons for which low-income husbands use more violence than high-income husbands in Bangladesh. In addition, the study tests different interventions to reduce intimate partner violence.
Objectives
This study aims to assess the relative importance of different motives for which husbands might use violence against their wives as well as the reasons for which low-income husbands use more violence than high-income husbands in Bangladesh. In addition, the study tests different interventions to reduce intimate partner violence.
This study is relevant to SDG 5 (Gender Equality)
Methodology
The data will be collected through behavioral games and quantitative interviews, supplemented by qualitative surveys and focus group discussions.
The participants are selected following a two-stage sampling strategy. The study is conducted in two districts (Naogaon and Natore), which were selected based on three criteria: i) availability of BRAC Health Nutrition and Population Programme (BRAC HNPP) staff to help recruit and train (compensated) volunteers to deliver the intervention; ii) logistical feasibility (e.g., low risk of natural disasters); and iii) ruralness (at least 80% of the district population lives in rural areas). The treatment assignment is stratified at the union level, the smallest administrative rural unit. A total of 88 unions from the two districts combined are selected using Probability Proportional to Size (PPS). Each stratum (union) contains five clusters (villages) each, yielding a total of 440 clusters. In each of the selected villages, 20 married couples aged 18-65 are randomly sampled.
Findings and Recommendations
Forthcoming
