Unstoppable: Youth-Led Civil Society and the Fight for Civic Space in Bangladesh

Photo credit: The Business Standard

“We can’t offer salaries, and sometimes not even a ride home. But we’re still here.”

This statement, shared by a young organiser during our fieldwork, captures the spirit of Bangladesh’s youth-led civil society as resourceful, committed, and yet operating largely without formal recognition.

As part of a qualitative research project at BIGD, we engaged with youth-led groups across Bangladesh, from the southern wetlands of Khulna to the remote hills of Rangamati. These organisations are running food banks, offering education to indigenous children, supporting mental health initiatives, and raising legal awareness for hijra communities. Most rely entirely on volunteer labour, borrowed space, and crowdfunding. Their reach is impressive, but their legitimacy remains unacknowledged.

Filling the Gaps Where Institutions Fall Short

In our interviews, youth leaders described a wide range of grassroots work, from facilitating legal support for vulnerable populations to creating platforms for indigenous women to navigate customary legal systems. Others provide services in urban centres that respond to gaps in food security or healthcare access.

These activities go beyond charity. They are forms of local governance, often stepping in where the state or formal NGOs cannot or do not operate. However, these initiatives frequently run into institutional roadblocks. Bureaucratic barriers, lack of donor access, and safety concerns, including both physical and digital, pose daily challenges. These young people are not only providing services but doing so while navigating an environment of heightened risk.

Civic Work Without Civic Protection

Many groups operate without legal registration, either because they cannot afford it or because registration is denied based on political sensitivities. For instance, groups that use terms like “indigenous” have reported repeated pushbacks from authorities.

Several organisers shared experiences of harassment on both online and offline platforms due to their advocacy work. Some avoid using identifiable digital tools, fearing surveillance or backlash. Others have had websites taken down or social media accounts flagged. In one case, a group’s cloud storage was hacked, compromising their documentation.

These risks are compounded by structural exclusion. Youth-led initiatives often lack the legal knowledge or institutional connections to navigate complex registration procedures. Traditional donor models tend to favour established NGOs with formal governance structures, leaving informal collectives out of funding opportunities. Additionally, youth groups are often seen as inexperienced or informal, despite their deep engagement with community realities.

Digital Tools: A Source of Strength and Risk

Technology has enabled youth organisers to coordinate, mobilise, and build networks efficiently. They use widely accessible tools like WhatsApp, Facebook, and Google Drive to organise volunteers and share information. These digital platforms have also helped them build trust with small donors and local allies.

Yet increased digital presence has also made these groups more vulnerable. To manage this, many have adapted their practices—for example, using pseudonyms online, disabling location data, and delaying public communication about events. Visibility brings credibility, but it also brings risk.

As one youth leader noted, “We thought the political shift in 2024 would open space for us. But now we are more cautious than ever.”

Moving Beyond Resilience

Bangladesh’s youth-led civic actors do not need more praise for their resilience. What they need are structural mechanisms that recognise their contributions and support their work.

During our fieldwork, several proposals emerged repeatedly. These included simplified registration processes, youth-focused microgrants with minimal reporting requirements, and policy spaces that allow for meaningful yet not symbolic youth participation in executive boards. Many groups already demonstrate strong capacity in areas such as digital campaigning, participatory education, and community-based monitoring. Rather than imposing external models, support frameworks should build on these existing strengths.

This is not about charity. It is about recognising and enabling a segment of civil society that is already performing critical work.

A Moment for Meaningful Support

Youth-led civil society in Bangladesh is not waiting for approval; it is already active, often in challenging and under-resourced settings. Whether through disaster response, interfaith dialogue, or social justice campaigns, these groups are addressing urgent local needs.

Yet the civic space they inhabit is fragile. The legal and political burden disproportionately falls on those who are young, passionate, and often least protected. If policymakers, donors, and institutions continue to overlook these actors, we risk not only undermining their potential but also reinforcing the very inequalities they are working to change.

International frameworks such as Sustainable Development Goal 16, which advocates for inclusive institutions and civic participation, offer useful reference points. But meaningful change must begin by supporting those who are already leading from the ground up.

“We didn’t want to be heroes,” one organiser told us. “We just couldn’t look away.”

That refusal to look away speaks volumes. Now, it is time for institutions to do the same.

“ছুটি মানেই বেকার, আর বেকার মানেই খারাপ” : শহরের নিম্ন আয়ের মানুষের জীবনযাত্রায় ঈদের লম্বা ছুটির প্রভাব

ঈদ মানেই খুশি, ঈদ মানেই আনন্দঘরমুখো মানুষের ঢল, শহরের ফাঁকা রাস্তা, কর্মব্যস্ততা থেকে একটুখানি মুক্তি। কিন্তু এই ছুটির আনন্দ শহরের সব শ্রেণির মানুষের জীবনে একরকম নয়। ঈদুল আযহা উপলক্ষে এবারে টানা দশ দিনের সরকারি ছুটি ছিল। এর সঙ্গে স্কুলকলেজের গ্রীষ্মকালীন ছুটি যোগ হয়ে ছুটির সময়টা আরও লম্বা হয়েছে। বেশিরভাগ মানুষ এই সুযোগে পরিবারপরিজনের সঙ্গে ঈদ উদযাপন করতে ঢাকার বাইরে গেছেন। কিন্তু আনন্দে সবার ভাগ নেই; শহর ফাঁকা হলেও একদল মানুষ রয়ে গেছেন ঢাকাতেইচা দোকানি, রিকশাচালক, দিনমজুর, ডেলিভারিম্যান, কসাই, মুদি দোকানি, ফলসবজির দোকানদারযাদের পক্ষে গ্রামে ফেরা সম্ভব হয়নি। কারণ লম্বা ছুটিতে ঘরে ফেরা মানেই তাদের আয়ের ক্ষতি, বাড়তি খরচের চাপ আর ধারদেনা করে কাটানো দিন। এছাড়া অনেকেই সপরিবারে ঢাকা চলে এসেছেন দশ থেকে পনেরো বছর আগে, গ্রামে তাদের ঘরবাড়ি বা পরিবারপরিজন কেউ নেই। এই মানুষগুলোর জীবনের বাস্তবতাকে বুঝতে আমরা BIGD-এর পক্ষ থেকে মোহাম্মদপুর, রায়ের বাজার চাঁদ উদ্যান এলাকায় সরেজমিনে কথা বলেছি কয়েকজন নিম্ন আয়ের মানুষের সঙ্গে।

শহরের রিকশাচালকেরা ছুটির শুরু থেকেই তীব্র মন্দার মধ্য দিয়ে গেছেন। শহরে মানুষ না থাকায় যাত্রী নেই, আয় কমে গেছে। রিকশার গ্যারেজগুলোতে দেখতে পেলাম সারি সারি রিকশা দাঁড়িয়ে, চালকেরা আর রাস্তায় বের হচ্ছেন না। একজন রিকশাচালক বললেন: “আগে দিনে ,০০০,২০০ টাকা হইতো, এখন ৪০০৫০০ টাকার জন্যে সারাদিন রাস্তায় ঘুইরা মরতে হয়। তার মধ্যে ৪০০ টাকা জমা দিয়ে দিতে হয়। তাই বাইর হইতেছি না।আরেকজন বলেন: “ঈদের পরের দিন ব্যাটারি রিকশা নিয়ে বাইর হইছিলাম, পুলিশ রাইখা দিছে। ,০০০ টাকা দিয়া ছাড়াইয়া আনতে হইবো। হাতে এহন টাকা নাই, যার কাছ থেইকা ধার নেই তার কাছেও টাকা নাই। টাকা হইলে ছাড়াইয়া আনমু।এছাড়া চরম অসুবিধায় পড়েছেন ব্যাংকনির্ভর শ্রমিক ঠিকাদারেরাও। ওয়াসার একজন ঠিকাদার জানান: “ঈদের আগেই টাকা দরকার ছিল, কিন্তু ব্যাংক বন্ধ থাকায় টাকা তোলা যায় নাই। কাজ শুরু করতেও দেরি হইতেছে।একজন দিনমজুর বলেন: “ঈদের চার দিনের বাড়তি ছুটিতে যেন এক মাস পিছাইয়া গেলাম।একজন বেকারি ডেলিভারিম্যান বলেন: “চব্বিশটা দোকানে মাল দেই, এখন মাত্র নয়টা খোলা। বাকি দোকানদাররা এখনও আসে নাই দেশের বাড়ি থেইকা। ডেলিভারির উপর আমি কমিশন পাই। চলতি মাসে সঞ্চয় ভাইঙ্গা চলতেছি।এইসব গল্প একত্রে দেখায় ঈদের দীর্ঘ ছুটি নিম্ন আয়ের মানুষের জীবনে কীভাবে অনিশ্চয়তা, ব্যয় অর্থনৈতিক ক্ষতির বোঝা বয়ে আনে।

কোরবানির সময় চাপ আরও বেশি অনুভব হয়, যখন অনেকেই মাংস পাওয়ার সুযোগ থেকেও বঞ্চিত হয়। দেশের বর্তমান অর্থনৈতিক অবস্থার কারণে এবছর সামগ্রিকভাবে কোরবানির পরিমাণ কমে গিয়েছে। প্রাণিসম্পদ অধিদপ্তরের হিসাবমতে, গত বছরের তুলনায় তেরো লক্ষ পশু কম কোরবানি করা হয়েছে (প্রথম আলো, ১১ জুন) এর পাশাপাশি হ্রাস পেয়েছে কোরবানির মাংস পাওয়ার মতো সামাজিক সুযোগও। ফোকাস গ্রুপ আলোচনায় অংশ নেওয়া অনেকে জানিয়েছেন এইবার কোনো বাড়িওয়ালা বা পাড়াপ্রতিবেশী কোরবানির মাংস দেয়নি। অনেকে লজ্জায় চাইতেও পারেননি। ঈদের কর্মহীনতার মধ্যে পূর্বের বছরগুলোতে একই এলাকার কয়েকজন মিলে কোরবানির পশু বানানোর (মাংস কাটা) কাজ করতেন। কাজশেষে পারিশ্রমিকের পাশাপাশি কিছু পরিমাণ মাংস পেতেন, যা দিয়ে অন্তত একবেলা পরিবারের সবাই ভাত খেতে পারতেন। তবে এবার তারা মাংস পাননি, আবার পারিশ্রমিকও গত বছরের তুলনায় বাড়েনি। একজন চা দোকানি বলেন: “ঈদের দিন দোকান বন্ধ রাইখা পাঁচ জন মিইল্যা গরু বানাইতে গেছিলাম। ঈদের আগে মসজিদে হুজুররা গরু বানায় যারা তাগো গোশত না দেওয়ার ফতোয়া দিছে। গরু বানাইয়া যেই টাকা ভাগে পাইছি, তা দিয়া এক কেজি গোশতও কিনবার পারি নাই।বিভিন্ন মানুষের সাথে কথা বলে জানা গেল যে, হুজুরদের এমন ফতোয়া দেওয়ার পেছনের কারণ হলো, যেহেতু এই মানুষগুলো পেশাদার কসাই নন, তাই অনেকে পারিশ্রমিকের পরিবর্তে কোরবানির কিছু মাংস দিয়ে দেন। তাদের পারিশ্রমিক নিশ্চিত করতেই এমন ফতোয়া। অথচ ফল হলো ঠিক তার উল্টোতারা না পেয়েছেন ন্যায্য পারিশ্রমিক, না পেয়েছেন কোরবানির মাংস। তবে কিছু ভিন্ন অভিজ্ঞতাও উঠে এসেছে, যেখানে ঈদের সময়টাতেই কেউ কেউ নিজেদের মতো করে সুবিধা খুঁজে পেয়েছেন।

একজন চা দোকানি বলেন: “ঈদের দিনে দোকান খোলা রাখায় বিক্রি বাড়ছে। কারণ পাশের দোকানগুলো বন্ধ ছিল। যারা ঢাকা ছিল, তারাই আসছে।একজন ফুড ডেলিভারিম্যান জানান: “ঈদে অর্ডার কমেছে ঠিকই, কিন্তু যারা দিয়েছে তারা বড় অর্ডার করেছে।অবস্থা এমন নয় যে সবাই কেবল ক্ষতির মুখে পড়েছেন। যারা কিছুটা স্বচ্ছলযেমন মৌসুমি ফল বিক্রেতা কিংবা নিজের দোকান চালানো ক্ষুদ্র ব্যবসায়ী তাদের ওপর প্রভাব তুলনামূলকভাবে কম ছিল। তবে বিক্রি বাড়লেও অনেকেই জানালেন দোকানের আয় বাড়েনি, কারণ ছুটির সময়টায় বেশি বাকি দিতে হয়েছে। অন্যদিকে, যারা দৈনিক আয়ের উপর নির্ভরশীল, তাদের জন্য লম্বা ছুটি মানেই অনিশ্চয়তা, ক্ষয়ক্ষতি হতাশা। একজন রংমিস্ত্রি বলেন: “অন্যবার ঈদের দুই থেকে তিন দিন পরেই কাজ পাইয়া যাইতাম। এইবার তো এখনও কিছু শুরু হয় নাই। ধার কইরা চলতেছি। কবে এই ঋণ কাটাবো কে জানে!” অর্থাৎ লম্বা ছুটির পর অর্থনীতির চাকা সচল হতেও সময় লাগে, আর এই সময়টুকুই নিম্ন আয়ের মানুষের জীবনে তৈরি করে বাড়তি চাপ।

একই শহরে বসবাস করলেও ঈদের অভিজ্ঞতা যে শ্রেণি পেশাভেদে কতোটা ভিন্ন হতে পারে, তা স্পষ্ট বোঝা যায় এই সাক্ষাৎকারগুলো থেকে। ছুটি নিয়ে আমাদের উচ্ছ্বাসের মাঝেও শহরের দরিদ্র মানুষের জীবনের বাস্তবতা আমাদের ভাবাচ্ছে। কারণ ছুটি সবার জন্য অবসর নয়, বরং বেকার হয়ে পড়া, ধারদেনা করা এবং আগামী তিন–চার মাসে এই দেনা পরিশোধের বাড়তি চাপের মুখোমুখি হওয়া।

সবশেষেপ্রশ্ন থেকেই যায়ঈদের আনন্দ কি শুধুই যারা ছুটি নিয়ে ঘরে ফেরেন সেই মানুষদের জন্য? নাকি শহরের অলিতেগলিতে থাকা এই নিম্ন আয়ের মানুষেরও তার অংশ হওয়া উচিত? ভবিষ্যতের ছুটি পরিকল্পনায় এসব জীবনসংগ্রামের প্রতিচ্ছবিও অন্তর্ভুক্ত হওয়া জরুরিযাতে উৎসব সবার হয়, কারও জন্য ভার হয়ে না আসে।

Exploring Qualitative Research Tools: Beyond Interviews and Focus Groups

Photo by Amol Sonar on Unsplash

When conducting qualitative research, In-depth Interviews (IDI), Key Informant Interviews (KII), and Focus Group Discussions (FGD) are staple tools that we use to elicit information from those we work with. The use of these tools has become a matter of reflex when thinking about using a qualitative methodology. As useful as they are, it is important to push ourselves and our toolbox to think of more exploratory ways to capture the rich data that add layers to our work.

The basic premise of IDIs is that they provide important and interesting insight from our interlocutors that cannot be captured with closed-ended surveys, where the response is presupposed and limited. Often when we conduct interviews for programmatic research, the relationship between the participant and the research is very shallow, as there is rarely pre-existing rapport. Rich interviews, on the other hand, require a level of trust, understanding, reflection, and critical engagement with the questions from both sides (Johnson & Rowlands, 2012). As a result, if time and budget permit, it is helpful to think of broadening our interview techniques and methodology to be able to really gain insight into what people think and believe, moving beyond shallow front-stage representation (Goffman, 2023).

Repeat interviews are a good way to build relationships that allow for a nuanced understanding of how people think about the issue at hand. Though more expensive, they are a useful tool for both the researcher and the participant to unpack issues that may have arisen in the first interview, but could not be explored due to time constraints. Following up with interlocutors to see if they have changed their thoughts and opinions, posing questions that may have come up in other interviews and that may contradict or coincide with what the respondent had said, are useful exercises we can undertake in our second or third interviews. This approach elicits critical engagement from those we work with, directly offering an additional layer of meaning-making that we can use in our analysis, one that incorporates deeper reflection from the participants.

There are of course different ways to do this: 

    • Scheduling a second interview after a particular interval as a follow up conversation. This allows the interviewee to know that she can add to or change her responses. It also allows the interviewer the flexibility to clarify and probe further on topics she might have missed during the first interview.
    • Asking the interviewee to keep a record of incidents related to the topic by making short descriptive notes. Later during the interview, she can explain her thoughts, experiences, and feelings regarding the incident, and how she navigated the situation in greater detail. 
    • Participatory games and decision-making exercises during interviews. This is an important tool for moving beyond simple verbal expression to gain an understanding of how people react to and behave in contextual situations.

Grounding the conversation in recently-lived reality, as facilitated by follow-up interviews, allows the interviewer to gain valuable insight into the gap between ‘what people say’ and ‘what people are able to or choose to do’ (Wilson, et al. 2016). This gap then allows us to explore how different people can navigate the how and why elements of human behaviour that qualitative research is so good at doing.

Record keeping can be broken into two forms: diary-keeping and calendar-marking. Diary-keeping prompts respondents to keep a detailed narrative diary of their actions, events in their lives, or whatever the specified topic may be (Cao & Henderson, 2021). With diary-keeping we ask for detailed narrative accounts from participants. With calendar-marking, only the date and the incident are recorded, without any additional details. The benefit of diary-keeping is that interlocutors record their experiences soon after they take place, as timely reflections tend to be richer. If we couple diary-keeping with interviews after the interviewer has had time to review the diaries and formulate questions, the combination of the two can produce rich data. 

When using diaries however, we need to be mindful of interlocutors’ literacy and comfort with writing. There are technologically-mediated solutions to this challenge – due to the proliferation of mobile phones with audio recording facilities, it is possible to ask people to record their thoughts, an approach that can be useful when working with individuals who are not able to take time out of their busy lives to journal or keep a diary. An additional advantage of this method of digital diary-keeping is that it offers us a stream of consciousness of participants’ thoughts and feelings which they may not be as comfortable writing, owing to discomfort in writing, or the act of writing being more laborious. Both approaches have their pros and cons of course, as writing is a slower process and can enable a more reflective and intentional account.

A third tool that can complement our basic semi-structured interviews is introducing games and situational choices. Participants are given hypothetical scenarios or case studies and are asked to reflect on either what they would do, or the decision made by the fictional character (Gibson, et al. 2024). Used extensively in different fields, these participatory tools give us an opportunity to both ground an interlocutor’s thinking in ways that make it easier to demonstrate in tangible ways, and allow a participant to expand on her reasoning non-verbally. These approaches also create an additional common reference point between interviewees where we can explore the various points of similarities and differences. Qualitative research, after all, aims to explore and investigate complexity, and the greater the complexity we can capture in an interlocutor’s assessment of the subject of our research, the better our quality of work.

As an example, Triantafyllakos et al. (2010) employed the ‘design alter ego’ technique to create an online course. The students who were participating in the study were asked to create an ‘alter ego’ who had specific interests and needs, in addition to the students’ real interests and needs. The researchers found that by allowing the students to create alter egos, the students were able to share additional insights, were more introspective, and were more openly creative – they did not feel judged for sharing things because it was not technically them who thought these things. The idealised personas they created allowed the students to be freer and therefore more expressive and open, leading to richer insights.

At the heart of all qualitative research is the search to understand people’s lived reality through their own words and thoughts, and the better our rapport with those with whom we work, the more forthcoming they will be. Unfortunately, this requires time, as short interviews tend to lack the space to allow both the interviewer and the interviewee to reflect on what is being said. Tool selection must always be led by the research question, and broadening our toolkit beyond basic standard interviews allows us to dig a little deeper. Good research is not only about the sample size, it must also answer the question, ‘are we getting critical, reflective responses?’

Bibliography

Cao, X. and Henderson, E.F., 2021. The interweaving of diaries and lives: diary-keeping behaviour in a diary-interview study of international students’ employability management. Qualitative Research, 21(6), pp.829-845.

Gibson, F., Fern, L., Oulton, K., Stegenga, K. and Aldiss, S., 2024. Being participatory through interviews. In Being Participatory: Researching with Children and Young People: Co-constructing Knowledge Using Creative, Digital and Innovative Techniques (pp. 117-144). Cham: Springer International Publishing.

Goffman, E., 2023. The presentation of self in everyday life. In Social theory re-wired (pp. 450-459). Routledge.

Johnson, J.M. and Rowlands, T., 2012. The interpersonal dynamics of in-depth interviewing. The SAGE handbook of interview research: The complexity of the craft, pp.99-113.

Mao, J. and Feldman, E., 2019. Class matters: Interviewing across social class boundaries. International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 22(2), pp.125-137.

Triantafyllakos, G., Palaigeorgiou, G. and Tsoukalas, I.A., 2010. Fictional characters in participatory design sessions: Introducing the “design alter egos” technique. Interacting with Computers, 22(3), pp.165-175.

Wilson, A.D., Onwuegbuzie, A.J. and Manning, L.P., 2016. Using paired depth interviews to collect qualitative data. The Qualitative Report, 21(9), pp.1549-1573.

Between Paychecks: Gaps in Liquidity Management among Low-Income Women

Despite steady incomes, low- and moderate-wage earners often face financial setbacks due to short-term liquidity issues. Their tight budgets typically cover only essentials, leaving little room for unexpected expenses like medical emergencies or home repairs, as well as predictable but irregular costs like school fees. With minimal savings and limited access to affordable credit, these households frequently struggle to smooth their spending when faced with sudden financial shocks. They bridge these gaps by relying on costly informal loans, social networks, or liquidating assets. In more severe cases, families may cut back on essentials like food, healthcare, or utility payments to make ends meet. The stress from these financial constraints can deepen debt burdens and strain both mental and physical well-being.

Gender disparities further complicate the picture. In India, women are more likely than men to worry about routine expenses, such as their children’s school fees (Demirgüç-Kunt et al., 2022). They also face greater challenges in accessing emergency funds, often depending on unreliable family support. Savings-locked-     in self-help groups or informal chit funds[1]—popular among women—are often inaccessible in times of need. Understanding the magnitude of these liquidity issues and the coping strategies used by workers is crucial. High-frequency surveys conducted at different times of the year provide valuable insights into how workers manage their finances, the seasonality in liquidity issues, and the impact of liquidity shortages on borrowing and spending.

In a recent study, we examined the impact of earned wage access for women workers in a garment factory in rural Karnataka. In the first 10 months of the project  (October 2023 to July 2024), we surveyed 834 workers[2] at the end of their pay cycle. To reduce survey fatigue, we used a rotating panel design where each worker was interviewed a maximum of three times. When asked if they found it difficult to make ends meet, 22.8% of the women reported struggling, though the figure fluctuated between 16% in May 2024 and 36% in October 2023. One worker shared her experience:

“My spouse hasn’t worked for two months, and I’ve had to manage household expenses with just my salary. I cut down on vegetables and missed my regular doctor’s checkup. I even canceled plans to visit my family because I didn’t have the money.”
Another worker said, “I canceled a family trip and skipped buying new glasses. I’ve lost sleep for the past few days, worrying about money.”

Figure 1

Going by workers’ accounts, workers reduce their expenditures or defer payments to cope with liquidity shortages. On average, 27.2% of respondents reported reducing or foregoing some expenses altogether during the survey month. The average amount of foregone or reduced expenditure is INR 2,298 (median INR 1,720)[3]. More than half of these cuts were on food—for instance, workers bought smaller quantities of meat and vegetables or skipped them entirely. Other areas affected included children’s school expenses (14.6%), mobile phone recharges (15.3%), family events and travel (10.68%), loan payments (8.2%), and medical costs (7.5%).  

Some workers also borrow small interest-free loans to tide over their liquidity crunch.  On an average 17% of the women workers report borrowing for their usual monthly expenses or unplanned emergencies. They mostly borrow from family and friends (86%) and coworkers (9.5%) between paychecks and repay these loans once their next paycheck arrives.  Around 12% of the workers had to borrow as well as reduce their expenditure to make ends meet in any given month. 

In summary, it is evident from our monthly surveys on financial stress with low-income women workers that nearly one in four workers are vulnerable to short-term liquidity issues. Understanding their coping strategies and offering more accessible financial products in the formal sector could alleviate their financial stress and improve their overall financial resilience. Enhanced financial inclusion and improved financial management skills, especially for women, could ensure that fewer households are forced to choose between essential needs and unexpected financial shocks.

[1] Chit funds, popularly known as ROSCAs, can be endogenous (run and operated by women themselves) or exogenous (run by an external agent or agency).
[2] 834 ever married women workers represent our total study sample for the project.
[3] These are equivalent to USD 27.1 (mean) and USD 22.7 (median). We apply a conversion rate of USD 1 is equal to INR 84.7.

Beneath the Surface: Hidden WEE Indicators in Women’s Savings Journey

All financial responsibilities will rest on her shoulders, and she will not be able to save any money,” responded Grace, when asked “What will happen if a woman has control over family decisions?” This sentiment was a recurring theme in our WEE-DiFine-funded study, “Adapting and Validating WEE Indicators in an Experimental Study of Savings” conducted in Uganda.

The goal of our study was to identify specific measures of economic empowerment related to women’s savings behavior using two complementary modes of validation. In the first phase, content validation, we applied qualitative methods to derive a comprehensive list of WEE indicators relevant to the everyday savings practices of Ugandan women. In the second phase, construct validation, we substantiated these indicators through their statistical correspondence with women’s observed savings behaviors, including their ability to set meaningful goals, to mobilize savings toward those goals, and to use the saved money as intended. We found several factors related to WEE measurement that were extremely local and not widely discussed in existing tools.  They were, however, very prominent in our survey responses and repeatedly selected by feature selection algorithms. Our takeaway is that the local context is absolutely vital for rigorously measuring women’s economic empowerment.   

Content Validation Insights: Bringing Hidden WEE Indicators to the Forefront

The content validation phase identified over a hundred WEE indicators. Here we focus on those that appear most frequently in our survey data,and that are rarely addressed in existing WEE measurement frameworks. 

Balancing Power and Responsibility

Decision-making power is normally viewed as an indicator of empowerment, but it brings financial consequences that can undermine women’s ability to save. This is especially true in Uganda, where the communal nature of households continually introduces new responsibilities and roles for women. Many women, like Grace, discussed the burdens that come with decision-making power, recognizing that there is a point beyond which the associated responsibilities become too heavy. Decision-making power cannot be assessed as a WEE measure without an understanding of what it entails and who bears the financial costs.

Fear as a WEE Factor

Fear significantly impacts women’s sense of agency in deciding how much to save for the future.  These fears include divorce, illness, and, most prominently, a fear of aging. Many women expressed worries regarding whether relatives or children would still be available to care for them as they grew older. This uncertainty prompted them to adopt savings strategies aimed at securing their financial stability in later life, especially considering their lack of retirement funds.

Mental Accounting and the Role of Trusted Knowledge

Women can find it challenging to organize and manage their financial resources—a behavioral aspect strongly tied to mental accounting. Navigating an overwhelming and often unreliable influx of information complicates their decision-making, hindering their ability to stay focused on their financial goals. Training on savings practices, local business issues, budgeting, and related topics are highly valued in helping them achieve realistic financial objectives. Additionally, women emphasized the need for clear and straightforward information from financial providers to facilitate comparisons of products and services, enabling them to make better financial choices. 

Construct Validation: Identifying the Most Relevant WEE Indicators for Savings

Using our rich data set of over a hundred WEE variables and account-level data, we applied ML feature selection algorithms to identify the WEE indicators that resonate most with our participants throughout their savings journeys. 

The results (Table 1) clearly confirm that Grace’s observation about the burden of financial responsibilities and its relevance to savings behavior was not just a personal anecdote, but a vital issue for women in Uganda. Most new indicators discussed during the content validation phase were consistently selected across all ML feature selection algorithms and ranked among the top 5 of the 25 selected WEE constructs.

Financial responsibilities, ranked first, highlight the importance of incorporating these roles into WEE measurement within the context of financial inclusion. Attendance at training (ranked third) and ability to compare financial products (ranked fifth) emphasize the need for a comprehensive approach to assessing financial knowledge within WEE tools. These indicators also underscore the need for clear, accessible information and practical financial knowledge to help women navigate mental accounting challenges. The alignment between the fears expressed during the content validation phase and the high ranking of financial strategies for old age (ranked fourth) further reinforces the importance of including this issue in WEE measurement. As women plan for the future, their outlook—closely tied to their savings behavior (ranked second)—is shaped by concerns about financial security in later years.

Importance of Contextual Lens

Our dual validation method revealed themes underexplored in existing frameworks, emphasizing that WEE indicators must align with specific outcomes and local realities. This approach not only reflects the true experiences of women like Grace, but also honors the dignity of Ugandan women navigating their financial challenges with determination. Contextually grounded WEE measurement tools enhance our ability to understand and support their aspirations.

[1] Such as Measuring Women’s Economic Empowerment: A Compendium of Selected Tools or Measuring Women’s Economic Empowerment in Financial Inclusion.
[2] One key insight we uncovered during our qualitative interviews was the significant role of the extended family in shaping women’s agency. In Uganda’s dynamic household structure, focusing solely on the roles of husbands or immediate family risks overlooking the critical influence of the extended family and the diverse circumstances they bring to women’s lives.
[3] For example, a recently developed tool by industry experts includes decision-making power as a key WEE measure, but does not address the financial burden that accompanies such responsibilities.
[4] We employ LASSO Stability Selection, VSURF for Interpretation, VSURF for Prediction, and Boruta. By comparing the features selected by more than one ML approach we identified the features with the most stability and consistency across models.
[5] Table 1 displays the top 25 WEE indicators from over a hundred tested. Those not shown were either not selected or selected with minimal frequency. ‘Percent Times Selected’ indicates how often the construct was selected in all best performing models combined (LASSO Stability Selection, BORUTA, and VSURF Interpretation and Prediction). 

টং আলাপ Episode 003 – Gender gaps in optimism: Are women in Bangladesh losing hope?

The optimism surrounding Bangladesh’s future has grown since the July 2024 Movement, but not equally for everyone. The first round of BIGD’s pulse survey conducted right after the uprising reveals an unsettling trend—while overall optimism has increased, the gender gap has widened. The optimism gap between men and women has grown from three percentage points in 2022 to eight percentage points in 2024, suggesting women are increasingly less hopeful about the future than men.

Watch Episode 3: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CuR_YZX5XiY&t=339s  

টং আলাপ (Tong Conversations) draws inspiration from Bangladesh’s beloved “Tong”—roadside tea stalls where perspectives freely flow, offering a comfortable space for meaningful dialogue—a vantage point that is neither an ivory tower view nor grounded in everyday struggles. Like these traditional gathering spots, our series creates a casual and relaxed space that brings thought leaders and young researchers together to share ideas, deepen understanding, and explore pressing issues facing our nation. It’s a place where evocative dialogue thrives, unbound by hierarchy or convention.

In the third instalment of Tong Conversations, Syeda Salina Aziz, Fellow of Practice at BIGD, invited a diverse group of discussants to explore the causes of the growing gender gap in optimism and its sociopolitical implications. The discussants included Dr Sohela Nazneen, Research Fellow of the Institute of Development Studies; Dr Rohini Kamal, Assistant Professor and Research Fellow at BIGD; and BIGD’s young researchers: Shamsad Navia Novelly, Sumaiya Tasnim, Zarine Anan Khondoker, Sheikh Arman Tamim and Inteemum Ahsan.

The conversation opened with a deep dive into the survey findings, raising questions about why women feel less optimistic than men. One of the central factors is the perception about women’s role and their representation in politics. A UN study revealed that globally 59% of people believe men are better suited for leadership than women. It is a belief that mirrors attitudes in Bangladesh. The panellists noted that women are often dismissed as serious voters or political actors, with societal assumptions that their votes merely reflect family decisions. This narrative is not exclusive to Bangladesh. The panel drew parallels with Pakistan, where women are largely overlooked during political campaigns and are expected to focus on domestic responsibilities rather than civic participation. These patterns of exclusion contribute to a universal sense of disenfranchisement among women, further eroding their optimism.

Safety concerns also loom large. A surge in harassment has further dampened women’s outlook. “দেশ স্বাধীন হলো, আর তার পরের দিন থেকেই রাস্তায় মানুষ comment করতে শুরু করলোওড়না ভালো মতো পেঁচাও”( The country gained independence, and from the very next day, people on the streets started commenting – ‘Wrap your scarf properly), “আগে এক দল harass করত, দুই দিন পর এখন আরেক দল করছে”( Before, one group used to harass; now, two days later, another group is doing it) – a reality underscored by personal anecdotes shared by some of the discussants. This persistent fear not only restricts women’s mobility but also curtails their independence and deeply impacts their overall outlook on life.

Drawing from Egypt’s 2011 Tahrir Square uprising, Dr. Nazneen highlighted how women had an active participation in the protests, and yet subsequent reforms saw the removal of women’s quotas due to their lack of representation in decision-making positions. A similar scenario emerged in Bangladesh during the post-revolution period. One prominent female protester was appointed as an advisor in the Detective Branch of the Metropolitan Police, a move which was initially celebrated. However, she quickly disappeared from the public sphere, raising questions about whether women will truly have a voice in shaping the future.

Political factors aside, economic pressures also play a significant role in the growing gender gap in optimism. Inflation and increasing costs of living impact people in the lower income bracket, particularly women. Women from lower-income households often bear the brunt of managing family needs during times of crisis. Even when they don’t have to provide, the stress of managing the entire family leaves women feeling increasingly vulnerable. 

The conversation continued on women of the lower-middle class—a group disproportionately affected during crises like COVID-19 and also during the recent uprising. While overall optimism has reached new heights post-uprising, the gender gap in this sentiment has widened, and women in the poorest socioeconomic bracket remain least hopeful. And why wouldn’t they be? A recent protest in the ready-made garments sector highlighted hiring discrimination against women. Yet, the public discourse shifted to their income levels rather than addressing the root issue of gender disparity in hiring. Rohini Kamal aptly summarized, “যখন gender নিয়ে কথা আসে, সেটা ধামাচাপা দেওয়া হয়”(Whenever gender issues arise, they’re pushed under the rug). This kind of systemic neglect is a glaring reason for the decline in women’s optimism.

Bangladesh has often celebrated its progress on women’s rights—reduced maternal mortality, increased access to education—but have these achievements been taken for granted? The discussants raised a pressing question: Are the rights we assumed were secure actually safe in this new political era? Will they be reevaluated under the current government? For real progress all the stakeholders must have open discussions where no one’s autonomy is compromised. As Dr. Nazneen emphasized, “Everyone has a right to shape their own life, and no one should take that away.”

The panellists then reflected on the direction Bangladesh was heading towards. Are we moving forward or reverting to old patterns? The answers lie in examining current practices. Women may have the right to work, but societal attitudes and systemic barriers continue to hinder their progress. For instance, there is still a pervasive belief that women in the workplace are to blame for rising male unemployment. Some even argued that the country was lagging because it had a female leader. These aren’t just fringe opinions; they reflect deep-seated societal biases that influence everyday realities for women.

Accountability remains elusive. A recent Facebook post questioning, “Are women facing more harassment now?” received over 2,500 shares. These experiences underline the harsh truth that things are not as progressive as they seem. When women are being criticized, they are criticized for how they dress and speak, not for the content or r quality of work or opinion. As Sumaiya noted, sentiments like “এখন দেশ গঠনের সময়। এখন এত সময় নেই। এখন আমরা নারী আনতে পারব না। যারা যোগ্য, তাদেরই নেব।” (This is the time for rebuilding the country; we don’t have time to involve women—we’ll take those who are qualified), highlight how women are still perceived as a separate entity from qualifications and competence.

As the discussion drew to a close, the panel reflected on actionable steps for a more inclusive future. Acknowledging women’s contributions is a good starting point. Many women were among the first responders to the wounded during the protests, yet their efforts went unrecognized. Gender-focused analyses of economic reforms and systemic changes are essential. Representation at local and rural levels should be prioritized to ensure policies reflect the needs of all citizens. Building citizenship from the grassroots level and addressing local issues can create a foundation for a more equitable society.

In the final moments, the panel reminded everyone that this struggle is not just for women; it’s for everyone, and yes, it is interdependent and multi-layered. Reflecting on the vision of ‘Bangladesh 2.0’, which is often described as “দ্বিতীয় স্বাধীনতা”(second independence), the discussants emphasized that no society can truly be free if one group remains oppressed. True freedom requires the dismantling of all forms of injustice. Only then can Bangladesh live up to its revolutionary promise of an inclusive and hopeful future for all its citizens.

BIGD’s WEE Initiatives 2024: Unveiling New Research Pathways Through RFP Outcomes

BIGD has once again made significant strides in advancing women’s economic empowerment through two Requests for Proposals (RFPs) in 2024. This year marked the first call for WEE-Connect, which along with WEE-DiFine, aims to build a robust research pipeline in the Global South. These initiatives have resulted in the selection of high-impact studies that will deepen our understanding of how digital connectivity and financial services empower women economically.

WEE-Connect RFP 1: A Resounding Start with Broad Appeal

In its inaugural round, WEE-Connect received an impressive 63 submissions from 13 countries across South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. Bangladesh led the way with 16 submissions, followed by Nigeria (12 submissions) and India (11 submissions). Additionally, the breadth of scope in these submissions was impressive, ranging from a quasi-experimental evaluation of a virtual education platform in Afghanistan, to a qualitative investigation of the ways in which digital connectivity is conceptualized by minoritized Bangladeshi women. This diverse geographic and thematic representation underscores the importance of examining how digital tools impact women across contexts. 

WEE-Connect issued five conditional awards, valued at approximately $700,000. Interestingly, all funded studies are based in South Asia, reflecting the region’s alignment with the Initiative’s priorities and commitment to rigorous research. All funded teams include a Principal Investigator (PI) from the study’s country of focus, ensuring that the research benefits from local expertise. The funded studies address a variety of priority questions outlined in WEE-Connect’s white paper, ensuring that the Initiative is well-positioned to deepen understanding regarding the potential for digital connectivity to empower women economically.

WEE-Connect Funded Studies

Women at the Wheel: A Digital Pathway to Women’s Economic Participation in Transport

  • Associated Investigators: Farah Said (Lahore University of Management Sciences), Malik Kashif (Lahore University of Management Sciences), Muhammad Meki (University of Oxford), and Simon Quinn (Imperial College London)
  • Country: Pakistan
  • Partners: Careem, Rural Community Development Programme (RCDP), National Rural Support Programme, Akhuwat, and Punjab Police 
  • Description: Through a randomized controlled trial (RCT), this study will measure the impact of offering female MFI clients financing to purchase an auto rickshaw on their labor force participation via the gig economy. 

Using Text Messages to Provide Garment Workers Access to Job Information

  • Associated Investigators: Rachel Heath (University of Washington), Md. Shakil Ahmed (BRAC Institute for Governance and Development), and Laura Boudreau (Columbia Business School)
  • Country: Bangladesh
  • Partners: BRAC Institute for Governance and Development and Centre for Entrepreneurial Development
  • Description: This cluster RCT explores whether providing information, via in person visits, text messages, and phone calls, to garment workers regarding job characteristics improves their labor market outcomes. 

Impact Evaluation of Digital Green’s VISTAAR chatbot for AI-mediated agricultural extension

  • Associated Investigators: William Thompson (IDinsight), Daniel Stein (IDinsight), Abhishek Sharma (IDinsight), Tetyana Zelenska (Digital Green), and Namita Singh (Digital Green)
  • Country: India
  • Partners: ID Insight India Pvt Limited and Digital Green Trust
  • Description: Using an RCT, this study will measure the gender-disaggregated impacts of chatbot-mediated agricultural advice on farmers’ adoption of recommended practices, as well as on agricultural yields and income. 

Bridging the Gendered Digital Connectivity Divide to Empower Women Elected Representatives and Their Constituents

  • Associated Investigators: Soledad Artiz Prillaman (Stanford University), Deepak Singhania (IIT Gandhinagar), and Alba Huidobro (Stanford University)
  • Country: India
  • Partner: Transform Rural India and Inclusion Economics India Center at IFMR
  • Description: This qualitative study builds upon an ongoing pilot to elucidate how digital connectivity interacts with other women’s empowerment interventions. Ultimately the study will explore how digital connectivity can foster women’s political, social, and economic empowerment. 

Mothers’ connectivity gain, agency, and behavioral changes from their involvement in children’s distance learning program

  • Associated Investigators: Hashibul Hassan (Jagannath University), Asad Islam (Monash University), and Munshi Sulaiman (BRAC Institute for Governance and Development)
  • Country: Bangladesh
  • Partners: Centre for Climate, Society and Environment, Jagannath University, and Global Development & Research Initiative Foundation
  • Description: Using a measurement experiment, this study builds upon an existing cluster RCT to examine how mothers’ involvement in their children’s distance learning impacts the women’s digital engagement, agency, and behavior. 

WEE-DiFine RFP 4: Continuing to Deepen Impact

WEE-DiFine, which has concluded its fourth RFP, continues to advance research that examines the causal links between digital financial services and women’s economic empowerment. RFP 4 received 52 submissions from a wide geographical range, reflecting the Initiative’s global appeal. However, the highest concentration of proposals were submitted from Sub-Saharan Africa, highlighting the region’s interest in the role of digital financial services to address persistent gender inequities. 

WEE-DiFine issued six new conditional awards, valued at approximately $800,000. Four of these six research teams include a PI from the country of focus. The selected projects address a variety of underexplored causal mechanisms, including financial privacy between couples and implicit household dynamics underpinning women’s bargaining power. These new studies are therefore expected to advance understanding of how digital financial services can improve women’s economic empowerment across diverse contexts.

WEE-DiFine Funded Studies

Making it Easier to Pay for School: The Impact of Digitization of Tuition Payments on Student Performance in Benin

  • Associated Investigators: Mahounan Yedomiffi (Dartmouth College), Leora Klapper (World Bank), and Owen Ozier (Williams College)
  • Country: Benin
  • Partners: MTN, Ministry of Secondary Education, and Kemt Center for Development
  • Description: This extension study will assess whether digitized tuition payments increase on-time and in-full payments, particularly for girls. The study will also measure impacts on students’ educational outcomes, by gender. 

Decoding Digital Financial Services-enabled financial privacy

  • Associated Investigators: Prachi Jain (Loyola Marymount University) and Anisha Singh (London School of Economics)
  • Country: Kenya
  • Partner: Busara Center for Behavioral Economics 
  • Description: Using a lab-in-the-field experiment, this study will assess the role of financial privacy for couples in Nairobi. Specifically, the study will examine the household dynamics that shape financial privacy preferences and the role of women’s financial privacy on household dynamics.

The household dynamic of digital finance and female empowerment

  • Associated Investigators: Siwan Anderson (University of British Columbia), Asad Islam (monash University), and Farzana Afridi (Indian Statistical Institute (Delhi)
  • Country: Bangladesh
  • Partners: Unnayan and Global Development & Research Initiative
  • Description: This RCT will measure the impact of digital versus cash loans, in combination with support groups focused on family dynamics, on rural women’s economic empowerment. Additionally, the study will examine impacts on family relationships. 

Measuring Impact of Group Loans and Savings Group Digital Ledgers in Savings Groups on Women’s Economic Empowerment

  • Associated Investigators: Elliot Collins (Innovations for Poverty Action), William Blackmon (Innovations for Poverty Action), Jessica Goldberg (University of Maryland), Emmanuel Tumusiime (World Vision USA), and Alfredo Burlando (University of Oregon)
  • Country: Malawi and Uganda
  • Partners: World Vision, Inc., Innovations for Poverty Action Malawi, and Innovations for Poverty Action Uganda
  • Description: Using an RCT, this study measures the impact of digital group loans, in conjunction with an app for savings group ledger tracking, on women’s economic empowerment. Additionally, this study will collect qualitative data to elucidate causal mechanisms underpinning any impacts. 

Mobile money and women’s empowerment: a lab-in-the-field experiment

  • Associated Investigators: Emma Riley (University of Michigan) and Suvekshya Gautam (University of Washington)
  • Country: Tanzania
  • Partners: BRAC Tz Finance Limited and Innovations for Poverty Action
  • Description: This measurement study uses a lab-in-the-field experiment to isolate the role of privacy as a potential causal mechanism through which DFS impacts WEE. Additionally, the study examines gendered preferences regarding the use of mobile money and increased financial autonomy. 

Usage of mobile financial services and female overseas labor market participation

  • Associated Investigators: Dina Tasneem (American University of Sharjah) and Khusrav Gaibulloev (American University of Sharjah) 
  • Country: Bangladesh
  • Partner: Development Research Initiative 
  • Description: This exploratory pilot examines the role of mobile financial services (MFS) on overseas labor force participation for low-skilled migrant workers, as well as barriers and opportunities for MFS adoption, by gender. 

Looking Ahead: Building on a Strong Foundation

As WEE-Connect embarks on its journey and WEE-DiFine continues to refine its research portfolio, these initiatives underscore the importance of targeted, high-impact studies in shaping policies and interventions that empower women economically. With these new awards, both initiatives are poised to contribute valuable insights that will drive meaningful change.

Stay tuned for full profiles on each of these funded studies, as well as additional funding opportunities. For more information about WEE-DiFine, please visit this page, and for details on WEE-Connect, check out this page.

টং আলাপ (Tong Conversations) – Episode 002: Should Student Politics be Allowed on Campus?

In the aftermath of the July 2024 Movement, student politics has come under critical scrutiny, fueled by allegations of the Bangladesh Chhatra League’s violent suppression of student-led protests during the movement. Data from the first round of BIGD’s pulse survey, conducted just two weeks after the fall of the Awami-led regime, revealed a striking consensus: 81% of respondents supported banning party-centric student politics on campus, while 84% advocated against party-affiliated teachers’ politics. These numbers show a clear picture of the post-revolution public sentiment. 

Watch Episode 2: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-Pn9OU0o-00&t=175s 

টং আলাপ (Tong Conversations) draws inspiration from Bangladesh’s beloved “Tong”—roadside tea stalls where conversations flow freely and perspectives mingle—a vantage point that is neither an ivory tower view nor grounded in everyday struggles. Like these traditional gathering spots, our series creates a casual and relaxed space that brings thought leaders and young researchers together to share ideas, deepen understandings, and explore pressing issues facing our nation. It’s a place where meaningful dialogue thrives, unbound by hierarchy or convention.

In the second episode of Tong Conversations, Syeda Salina Aziz, Fellow of Practice at BIGD, shared insights from the pulse survey on the public sentiments on student and teachers’ politics on campus. Then she invited BIGD’s young researchers Rabeena Sultana Ananna, Md. Karimul Islam, Md. Johirul Islam, and Ishraq Sabbir Nirjhor to reflect on the matter. Dr Asif Shahan, Visiting Research Fellow of BIGD, and Mr. Kamruz Zaman, one of our Research Coordinators, also took part in the conversation. 

The discussion began with a shared recognition of how, over time, traditional student politics had morphed into a tool of power and control. Discussants described a common pattern: student wings of political parties, empowered by their political patrons, would often forcibly occupy student accommodations, harass and torture students, and even, at times, carry out extortion under party banners. 

ছাত্র রাজনীতি নিষিদ্ধ হওয়া উচিত কারণ এটি জাতীয় রাজনৈতিক দলের সাথে connected, এবং সেখান থেকেই তাদের ক্ষমতা আসছে এবং এই ক্ষমতাকে তারা exploit করছে।“ (Student politics should be prohibited because it is connected to national political parties, which are the sources of their power, and they are exploiting this power”.)—this one line from Johirul summarized how Chatro League’s actions were carried out during the Awami-led regime and why citizens have become fed up with campus-based student politics. 

However,  while participants strongly opposed the existing model of student politics, they envisioned a new framework for student representation. Independent student ogranizations could potentially serve as a check and balance, ensuring political accountability and amplifying student voices on crucial issues affecting university life. The conversation took an interesting turn when addressing the fundamental right to political expression. While condemning institutional political activities, participants acknowledged the importance of preserving individual political rights. Students should retain the freedom to hold and express political ideologies, provided these expressions don’t impede others’ rights or disrupt the academic environment.

Some discussants offered counterarguments to a complete ban, highlighting the historical role of student politics in nation-building. Despite its current state, politics is often a valuable networking platform for students. Engaging in politics can also potentially help students develop key skills. Rather than absolute prohibition, they advocated for systematic reforms to address the root causes of political corruption in educational institutions. 

In the final segment, discussants found common ground in criticizing the involvement of teachers in politics. The consensus was that teaching is a noble profession and truly demands unbiased dedication towards the values and overall well-being of the students and institutions. Recent events during the uprising demonstrated how political affiliations could compromise this fundamental responsibility and how many teachers had to remain silent out of fear due to their political affiliation. There should not be anything that would compromise an educators’ primary responsibility to their students and institutions, but it happened nonetheless in various forms across the country. 

The discussion drew to a close with a shared understanding that Bangladesh’s post-revolutionary landscape demands a fundamental reimagining of campus politics from its core. The future can hold a new model of student representation—one that preserves individual political rights while preventing the institutional abuse that has plagued universities for generations. 

Gender-based Preferences for Mid-season Payouts in Crop Insurance

Agricultural incomes are notoriously seasonal. The bulk of outflows occur at the start of a growing season, and inflows occur at the end of the season. A large body of evidence documents the effects of seasonal liquidity on many aspects of farmer welfare, including nutrition, productive investments, agricultural input use, and labour market participation (Devereux et al. 2013). In areas where formal and informal financial markets are not well developed, farmers find it difficult to smooth consumption over time. As a result, farmers often experience periodic food insecurity in the months most distant from the previous harvest. Fluctuations in average body weight of up to 4 kilograms in between harvests have been long documented among women in Africa and Asia (Ferro-Luzzi and Branca 1993). This period, known as the lean or hunger season, is further intensified during periods of adverse or unpredictable weather and crop failure. In Kenya, where a majority of the rural poor depend on rainfed subsistence farming, 2.8 million report experiencing food insecurity in the lean season. This estimate is expected to increase further with climate change (WFP 2023). 

Crop insurance is a risk management tool that can protect vulnerable farmers from the negative consequences of harvest failure and income uncertainty. However, insurance typically provides compensation for damaged crops at the end of the agricultural season, after harvest has occurred. Farmers may find traditional compensation schedules ineffective for a number of reasons – payments are too far in the future for farmers who discount time heavily; later payments could be less useful for farmers who need to make expenses, such as buying inputs or smoothing consumption, in the lean months before harvest; and payment itself is uncertain, which is problematic for farmers who prefer to plan their expenses ahead. Through our study funded by the WEE-DiFine Initiative, we pilot an insurance feature, enabled by recent advancements in crop loss detection and financial technology, that provides farmers with customized compensation timelines. Using models that predict damage at each major growth stage of the crop, and availing mobile money to disburse payouts, this innovation allows farmers to receive timely mid-season payouts in tranches on chosen dates. We in turn study the effects of this innovation on insurance adoption.

We conducted a randomized controlled trial with 1,765 farmers in Kenya in 2023. We offered eligible farmers the opportunity to purchase a standard weather-index based crop insurance policy that disbursed compensation in one payment after harvest, or a modified policy in which farmers could receive compensation in stages at times of their choosing, referred to as “timely-pay insurance.” We measure compensation preferences and willingness-to-pay for the standard and timely-pay policies for all farmers. To express their compensation preferences, farmers were asked to allocate four payout stages, representing losses estimated at the end of four crop growth stages, across six months, as detailed in an earlier blog.[1] Farmers could thus customize when they wanted to receive a payment, and how large (or small) they wanted each payment to be. Additionally, we recorded farmers’ self-reported experience of food insecurity during the same six months. We then randomized the product offered to measure uptake of insurance. Our sample included both men and women, allowing us to observe differences in compensation preferences by gender. 

Our data supports past evidence that farmers experience seasonal food insecurity that increases over the length of time from the preceding harvest (Figure 1). The proportion of farmers reporting that their household lacked access to sufficient quantity or quality of food rose from 18.7% in October at the start of the long rains growing season, to 55.47% in March at the end of the season. Overall, 65% of respondents reported experiencing food insecurity at some point during the cropping season. Reporting did not differ systematically between men and women farmers in any month. The vast majority of farmers (86%) wanted to receive insurance compensation in multiple stages rather than through a single transfer. Nearly half (45%) chose to receive compensation in 4 separate transfers, the maximum allowed.

Figure 1: Percentage of farmers requesting insurance compensation transfer and percentage of farmers who reported facing some form of food insecurity in each of the six months encompassing the "short rains" agricultural season in Kenya.

Men were significantly more likely to request smaller and earlier transfers, especially in the first 4 months pre-harvest (Figure 1). Our financial empowerment measures indicated that women were relatively less-empowered and had sole agency over smaller sums of money than men, which we had anticipated would drive them to prefer smaller transfers. However, women were more likely to request later and fewer transfers. Women were also significantly more likely to request for transfers in the last two months of the season (February and March), nearer to the typical harvest period, but also the time of greatest reported food insecurity. In our preliminary results, we find that being less-empowered and experiencing food insecurity increases the likelihood that a farmer will choose to receive fewer and larger transfers and receive payment in the lean months, with the effect stronger amongst women. We also find that willingness-to-pay for the timely-pay insurance is significantly higher than for traditional insurance on average, and particularly among the less-financially empowered. Additionally, the uptake gap between men and women decreases when farmers are offered this novel insurance feature. 

Our early findings indicate the potential for mid-season or staggered compensation to improve the impacts of crop insurance among those most vulnerable to climate change, such as women and financially less-empowered smallholders. We look forward to sharing our final results in the near future.

Progressive "champion farmers" were engaged to distribute standard and timely-pay insurance to other farmers in their village as part of the RCT in Nakuru county, Kenya.
Champion farmer assists a woman farmer in enrolling in timely-pay insurance through mobile USSD in Nakuru county, Kenya

References

Devereux, S., Sabates-Wheeler, R., & Longhurst, R. (Eds.). (2013). Seasonality, Rural Livelihoods and Development. Routledge.

Ferro-Luzzi, A., and F. Branca. 1993. “Nutritional Seasonality: The Dimensions of the Problem.” In Seasonality and Human Ecology, edited by S. J. Ulijaszek and S. S. Strickland, 149–165. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press

WFP (2023) Kenya Annual Country Report 2023. World Food Programme URL: https://www.wfp.org/operations/annual-country-report?operation_id=KE02&year=2023#/26567, accessed September 2024 

[1] These six months corresponded to the short rains agricultural season from October to March of 2023. Some  constraints applied to farmers’ compensation preferences.

বাংলাদেশ ২.০: ভাবনার বিকাশ, বিকাশের ভাবনা

১।
সুখ্যাত চলচ্চিত্র পরিচালক ঋত্বিক ঘটক বলেছিলেন, “ভাবো, ভাবো। ভাবা প্র্যাকটিস করো।” চিন্তন বা ভাবনার উন্মেষ ঘটেছে মানুষের জন্মলগ্নে। মানুষ জন্মের পর হতে ভাবতে শিখেছে, তখন থেকে প্রশ্ন করতেও শিখেছে। চিন্তন প্রক্রিয়ার প্রাথমিক বহিঃপ্রকাশই হলো প্রশ্ন করা। প্রশ্ন তোলা ও উত্তর খোঁজার নিরন্তর যাত্রার মধ্য দিয়ে সভ্যতার উৎকর্ষ সাধিত হয়। বাংলাদেশের চলমান প্রেক্ষাপটে আমরা দেখছি, বর্তমানে দেশে সঠিক প্রশ্ন করার একটি সংস্কৃতি তৈরি হয়েছে। তবে, প্রশ্নটি সঠিক হলেও সেই প্রশ্নটি যাদের কাছে উত্থাপিত হচ্ছে, সেই কাঠামোটি কতটুকু সঠিক?

২।
বাংলাদেশ পরিসংখ্যান ব্যুরোর (বিবিএস) দেয়া তথ্যমতে, দেশে কর্মক্ষম জনগোষ্ঠীর সংখ্যা ৬৫ শতাংশ, অর্থাৎ নির্ভরশীল জনগোষ্ঠী ৩৫ শতাংশ। ফলে, “ডেমোগ্রাফিক ডিভিডেন্ড” বা, ‘জনমিতিক লভ্যাংশ’ নেয়ার সুযোগ এখন বাংলাদেশের সামনে। বিপুল কর্মক্ষম এই জনগোষ্ঠীকে দক্ষ কর্মশক্তিতে পরিণত করে তাদের কর্মসংস্থান বা অর্থৈতিক কর্মযজ্ঞে সম্পৃক্ততা নিশ্চিত করার ওপরই নির্ভর করছে ‘ডেমোগ্রাফিক ডিভিডেন্ড’ পাওয়ার বিষয়টি। কেন “ডেমোগ্রাফিক ডিভিডেন্ড”-এর কথা এলো? কারণ, বাংলাদেশের সাম্প্রতিক রাজনৈতিক রূপান্তরের মূল চালক আমাদের বিশাল তরুণ গোষ্ঠী, যাদের বলা হচ্ছে জেন-জি (Gen-Z)। অবশ্য শুধু জেন-জি’রাই নয়, এর সাথে আগের দু’টি প্রজন্ম জেন-এক্স ও জেন-ওয়াই-ও এই জনমিতিক লভ্যাংশের হিস্যা। তারা দেখিয়েছে, প্রশ্ন কিভাবে করতে হয়, কোথায় করতে হয়। এই তরুণদলের অমিত সম্ভাবনার প্রমাণ হিসেবে আমরা একটি কর্তৃত্ববাদী সরকারের পতন দেখেছি। দেখেছি দেশ গড়ার কাজে স্বেচ্ছাশ্রম, দায়িত্ব কাঁধে নেয়ার নির্মোহ তাড়না, সমাজব্যবস্থা ও রাষ্ট্রকাঠামোকে ঢেলে সাজানোর প্রত্যয়। তারুণ্যের এই প্রবল জোয়ারকে কিভাবে দেশ গঠনে কাজে লাগানো যায়, সেটা নিয়ে বর্তমানে নানা ফোরামে নানাবিধ আলোচনা চলছে। অর্থাৎ, ভাবনার কাজটি এগোচ্ছে।

৩।
প্রশ্ন করা যাক, ১৫ বছর আগেকার তারুণ্য কেন সরব হতে পারে নি? কি এমন ঘটল যে, দেড় দশক ধরে শাসন করা আপাতদৃষ্টিতে একটি শক্ত ভিতের ওপর দাঁড়িয়ে থাকা সরকার মাত্র ৩৬ দিনে ভেঙে পড়ল? কোথায় ছিল এত এত দুর্নীতি, স্বজনপ্রীতি, আয়নাঘর, আর ক্ষমতা অপব্যবহারের কিসসা এবং বৈষম্যের বয়ান, যা এখন প্রায় প্রতিদিনই দেখা যাচ্ছে গণমাধ্যমে? উত্তর ঐ একটাই, প্রশ্ন করা যায় নি। বলা ভালো, প্রশ্ন করতে দেয়া হয় নি। প্রশ্ন উঠলেও সে প্রশ্নকে ধামাচাপা দিয়ে, প্রশ্নকর্তাকে নির্যাতন, হত্যা, বা গুম করে আমাদের কণ্ঠস্বরকে দাবিয়ে রাখা হয়েছে। ফলে গত ১৫-২০ বছরে আমরা দেখেও দেখি নি, শুনেও শুনি নি, বলেও বলি নি। অর্থাৎ, দেশের জনগণ হিসেবে দেশে যা যা হয়েছে, তা আমরা হয় মেনে নিয়েছি, নয়তো সমর্থন করেছি। এ প্রসঙ্গে ব্র্যাক বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের ব্র্যাক ইনস্টিটিউট অফ গভর্ন্যান্স অ্যান্ড ডেভলপমেন্ট (বিআইজিডি)’র “টং আলাপ”-এ একটি গঠনমূলক আলোচনার সূত্র টেনে আনা যেতে পারে। “সমর্থন করা” ও “মেনে নেয়া”র মাঝে একধরনের পার্থক্য দেখিয়ে “টং আলাপ”-এর বক্তারা বোঝার চেষ্টা করেছেন, ঠিক কোন বিষয়টি সর্বস্তরের জনসাধারণের মনে অভ্যুত্থান ঘটানোর মত মানসিকতার সৃষ্টি করেছে।

৪।
সম্প্রতি ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে “অভ্যুত্থানের চল্লিশ দিনঃ মানুষ কি ভাবছে?” শীর্ষক এক উন্মুক্ত আলোচনায় উপস্থিত বক্তা ও অতিথিদের বক্তব্যে আগামির বাংলাদেশে গনতান্ত্রিক রূপটি কেমন হতে পারে, তা নিয়ে কমবেশি আলোচনা হয়েছে। এ আলোচনা সভাটি ছিল মূলত “পালস সার্ভে ২০২৪: জনগণের মতামত, অভিজ্ঞতা, ও প্রত্যাশা” শিরোনামের একটি সদ্য প্রকাশিত সমীক্ষার ফলাফল জানানোর আয়োজন। সমীক্ষাটি আমাদের জানাচ্ছে, অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকারের নেতৃত্বে দেশের রাজনীতি ও অর্থনীতি যেভাবে চলছে তা নিয়ে অধিকাংশ মানুষই আশাবাদী। শুধু তাই নয়, ছাত্র রাজনীতি, অর্থনৈতিক সংকট মোকাবেলা, নিরাপত্তা বাহিনির সংস্কার, শিক্ষা ও স্বাস্থ্য খাতের সংস্কার, এবং দুর্নীতি ও রাজনৈতিক দৈন্য দূর করার ব্যাপারেও জনগণ সচেতন। যদিও জনসাধারণের এ সচেতনতা অভিজ্ঞতাপ্রসূত নয়, বরঞ্চ অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকারের প্রতি আশাবাদ থেকেই উৎসরিত- তবুও, এই আশাবাদই ভবিষ্যৎ বাংলাদেশের গণতান্ত্রিক রূপরেখার প্রতিচ্ছবি। কারণ, ইতিহাস আমাদের বলে এর আগে যখন ১৯৭১ সালে মুক্তিযুদ্ধ বা ১৯৯০ সালে স্বৈরাচার বিরোধী আন্দোলন হয়েছিলো, তখনও মানুষের মাঝে দেশের ভবিষ্যৎ নিয়ে একধরণের ইতিবাচক প্রতিক্রিয়া ছিল। তখনও মানুষ সংস্কার চেয়েছে, চেয়েছে খেয়েপরে বেঁচে থাকার ন্যুনতম অধিকার। সেই অধিকার খর্ব যে বা যারাই করেছে, জনগণ তাদের শেষ পর্যন্ত প্রত্যাখ্যান করেছে।

৫।
জন্মলগ্ন থেকে এ পর্যন্ত বাংলাদেশের রাজনীতি চলেছে নানা বাঁকবদলের মধ্য দিয়ে। তবে, ২০২৪ সালের আগস্ট মাসের ছাত্রজনতার আন্দোলন নানা কারণেই অন্য সকল আন্দোলন হতে প্রকৃতিতে আলাদা। ইন্টারনেট, সামাজিক যোগাযোগমাধ্যম ও জেন-জি-দের একটা বড় ভূমিকা এ আন্দোলনে ছিলো, যা আগেকার আন্দোলনগুলোতে ছিলো অনুপস্থিত। একইসাথে কোটা সংস্কারের জন্য ২০১৩ ও ২০১৮ সালে রাজপথে নামা তরুণদের একটা বড় অংশকে দমিয়ে রাখা, নিরাপদ সড়ক আন্দোলনে শিক্ষার্থীদের সক্রিয় ভূমিকা ও পরিবহন নেতাদের উদাসীনতা, রাজনৈতিক নেতৃবৃন্দের সীমাহীন দুর্নীতি ও স্ববিরোধী বক্তব্য, দ্রব্যমূল্য বৃদ্ধি, মূল্যস্ফীতি, লেজুড়বৃত্তিক ছাত্ররাজনীতি, উন্নয়নের নামে জনভোগান্তি ও লোক দেখানো উন্নতি মানুষ দীর্ঘসময় ধরে মেনে নিলেও একসময়ে এসে তা সমর্থন করে নি। যার প্রমাণ পাওয়া যায় ২০২৩ সালে বিআইজিডি-দ্য এশিয়া ফাউন্ডেশন পরিচালিত The State of Bangladesh’s Political Governance, Development and Society: According to Its Citizens সমীক্ষার ফলাফলে। ঐ সমীক্ষায় দেখা গেছে, সে সময়ই ৪৮ শতাংশ মানুষ বাংলাদেশের রাজনৈতিক ভবিষ্যত সম্পর্কে হতাশ ছিল। সময়ের সাথে সাথে মানুষের এই হতাশা বেড়েছে বৈ কমেনি।

তবে ইতিহাস থেকে শিক্ষা নিয়ে আমাদের এটাও মনে রাখতে হবে, যে আশা নিয়ে মানুষ আগে রাজপথে নেমেছিল তাদের সে আশা কখনো কখনো শেষ পর্যন্ত পূরণ হয় নি। আগস্ট অভ্যুত্থানের ব্যবচ্ছেদ হয়তো আমরা এখন নানাভাবে নানা লেন্সে করছি, ভবিষ্যতেও করবো। এই ব্যবচ্ছেদের মধ্য দিয়েই হয়তো আগামির বাংলাদেশে সুষ্ঠু গনতন্ত্রের বিকাশ হবে। সেই গণতন্ত্রে আমরা মুক্তভাবে চিন্তা করতে পারব, স্বাধীনভাবে প্রশ্ন করতে পারব, সেখানে জবাবদিহিতা নিশ্চিত হবে, ক্ষমতাকে প্রশ্ন করার ক্ষমতাও থাকবে। বাংলাদেশ ২.০-তে আমাদের এ ব্যাপারটা নিশ্চিত করতে হবে। জনমিতিক লভ্যাংশই বলি কিংবা আর্থসামাজিক ও রাজনৈতিক মুক্তির কথাই বলি, দেশ গড়তে ইতিবাচক যাই করতে চাই না কেন, সেটা করার সময় এসেছে এখন। এমন সময়, সুযোগ আর জনবল বাংলাদেশ এর আগে খুব একটা পায় নি। এখন সময়টি তাই ভাবার, ভাবনার প্র্যাকটিস করার; তারপর সেই ভাবনাকে কাজে পরিণত করার।