Breaking Barriers on Three Wheels: Can Women Drive Change in Pakistan’s Transport Sector?

On a busy street in Pakistan, a rickshaw weaves through traffic, stopping to pick up passengers heading to work, school, and markets. At first glance, it looks like any other ride on the road. But when people notice who is behind the wheel, they pause. The driver is a woman.

For many passengers, it is an unexpected sight. In Pakistan, rickshaw driving is widely viewed as a male occupation. Yet a small number of women have begun challenging this norm.

“When I first started driving, people were surprised,” one woman driver explains in the project’s introductory video. “But over time, they realized that women can do this work too.”

Her experience reflects a broader question that motivates our research: What would happen if more women had the opportunity to enter this sector?

Why focus on women drivers?

Pakistan has one of the lowest female labour force participation rates in the world. While many women contribute to household livelihoods through home-based work or informal activities, relatively few participate in visible, market-facing occupations. This limits women’s access to independent sources of income and restricts their participation in public economic life.

Rickshaw driving offers a potential pathway into the labour market. It offers flexible hours, daily cash income, and the possibility of financial independence. However, several barriers prevent women from entering the sector, including high upfront costs, limited access to training and licenses, and social norms that discourage women from working in public spaces.

Our project seeks to address these barriers by partnering with microfinance institutions to provide asset-based financing for rickshaw purchases. The initiative also works with government and private-sector partners to facilitate driving training, licensing support, and safety mechanisms.

What makes this approach distinctive is that it tackles multiple constraints simultaneously. By combining access to productive assets with training, licensing support, and safety monitoring through GPS technology, the intervention aims to address both the financial and social barriers that have historically prevented women from entering the transport sector.

Learning from women already on the road

Before launching the intervention, the research team conducted a pilot phase and spoke with women who had already been driving rickshaws. Their experiences offered valuable insights into both the opportunities and challenges associated with this occupation.

Several women described driving as a source of independence and financial stability compared to irregular or low-paid alternatives. For some, it also meant contributing more actively to household expenses and supporting their children’s education.

At the same time, entering a male-dominated occupation required significant adjustment. Women highlighted the importance of training, confidence, and family support in navigating traffic, interacting with passengers, and sustaining their work. While initial reactions from the public were often mixed, several women reported that attitudes became more positive over time as passengers became accustomed to seeing women drivers.

These early insights helped inform the design of the project, particularly the emphasis on training, safety support, and careful communication with participants and their families.

Who are the women interested in driving?

Early baseline data from over 100 participants provide insight into who is interested in this opportunity. The average respondent is around 38 years old, with low levels of formal education (4.3 years on average), and about half report functional literacy. The sample is drawn primarily from Lahore (75%) and Sheikhupura (25%).

Most participants are already economically active, with 67% engaged in some income-generating activity. However, stable wage employment is limited (18%), with average monthly earnings of PKR 20,000 (USD 71.6). Self-employment is more common (42%), though profits remain modest at approximately PKR 23,000 (USD 82.3) per month. Average household income is about PKR 75,000 (USD 268.6).

Social support remains a key constraint: while 65% report support from close family, this falls to 43% for extended family and the broader community.

Studying a new pathway into the labor market

The study will follow participants over time to examine how access to productive assets like rickshaws influences women’s labour market participation, income generation, and economic agency.

More broadly, the project aims to generate evidence on how women can enter non-traditional occupations in contexts where social norms and structural barriers often limit their economic opportunities. This evidence can help inform policymakers, financial institutions, and development practitioners interested in designing programs that expand women’s access to productive assets and new sources of livelihood.

In cities where rickshaws already transport millions of passengers every day, enabling women to drive could represent more than just a new livelihood opportunity. It could also signal a broader shift in how women participate in public and economic life.


This blog is funded by the WEE-Connect initiative in support of the study ‘Women at the Wheel: A Digital Pathway to Women’s Economic Participation in Transport.’

Beyond Privacy: How Mobile Money Strengthens Women’s Financial Control

Registration and consenting

Digital financial services are widely promoted as tools to expand women’s economic empowerment. Mobile money, in particular, has been linked to higher savings, improved resilience, and greater financial agency in many low-income settings (Riley, 2024, Heath and Riley 2024, Aker et al., 2016, Suri and Jack, 2016, Dizon et al. 2020). Yet a fundamental question remains: how does mobile money actually empower women?

A common explanation is privacy. If money can be stored and transferred digitally, women may be better able to keep resources hidden from others in the household. Another possibility is that digital payments introduce transaction frictions that make funds harder to appropriate. A third potential mechanism is earmarking: mobile money may change how funds are perceived and claimed within households, strengthening women’s sense of ownership even when privacy is limited.

We study these mechanisms using a lab-in-the-field experiment with 235 married women in Mwanza, Tanzania, recruited from current and former clients of BRAC Tanzania’s microfinance program. Participants made real, incentivized financial decisions, allowing us to observe behavior rather than rely on self-reports. In our games, financial control and empowerment are defined behaviorally through the choices women make. In some situations, women face a tradeoff between maximizing income and retaining control over resources – for example, choosing a less profitable option if it allows them to better claim or manage the money. We interpret empowerment as the ability to choose the income-maximizing option regardless of whether payments are public or private, or whether money is received in cash or digitally. In this sense, empowerment reflects practical control over resources, revealed through decisions rather than self-reported attitudes.

An experiment in Tanzania

IPA Enums and Couple after the experiment

The experiment consisted of two simple games designed to isolate privacy, earmarking, and transaction costs. In the first game—the mobile money preference game—women made a series of straightforward choices. Each time, they chose between receiving a fixed amount of cash or a gradually increasing amount of money sent to their mobile phone. For every choice, we simply asked: Would you rather receive cash, or mobile money? By seeing how large the mobile money payment had to be before a woman switched away from cash, we could measure how much she valued mobile money relative to cash. To understand the role of privacy, we randomly varied whether these choices were private or public. Some women were told that their husband would be informed about both the amount they received and whether it was paid in cash or mobile money. Other women were told that this information would remain completely private. If privacy is a key benefit of mobile money, we would expect women to value mobile money less when their choice is public—because it no longer offers any privacy advantage over cash.

In the second game—the investment game—women were given a sum of money (endowment) and asked to decide how to divide it between two options. One option was safe and guaranteed. The other was a risky investment that could generate much higher returns, but might also pay out nothing. A key feature of this game is that husbands were not told how much money the woman received at the start. This created an opportunity for concealment: if a woman received a large endowment, she could choose to invest only part of it and keep the rest hidden. We again varied whether these decisions were made in public or in private. In addition, we changed how any earnings were paid out. Some women were paid in loose cash, others received cash in a clearly labeled envelope (to signal that the money was meant for the woman), and others were paid via mobile money. The labeled cash allows us to separate the effect of digital payments from a simpler explanation: that clearly marking money as personally owned—rather than the technology itself— changes how women use it.

What we find

Across both games, privacy plays a surprisingly limited role. Making women’s choices public does not significantly reduce how they value mobile money relative to cash in the first game, nor does it substantially change their investment behavior in the second game.

Figure 1 shows what we learn from the investment game. The horizontal axis measures how likely women are to hide income, and each dot shows the effect of a different condition compared to receiving loose cash. First, simply making decisions public—so that husbands can observe them— does not change behavior very much. On its own, public observability has little effect on whether women hide income. This mirrors what we saw in the first game.

Implications

These findings suggest that women’s empowerment through digital finance does not depend on privacy. Even when spouses know about an account, mobile money can strengthen women’s financial control by clarifying which resources are “hers” rather than part of a shared household pool.

For policymakers and practitioners, this highlights the importance of product design not just access. Features such as labeled wallets, goal-based subaccounts, or clearly framed transfers may be powerful tools for strengthening women’s financial agency. Behavioral design that reinforces ownership and purpose may be as important as expanding access or protecting secrecy.

In short, mobile money appears to empower women not primarily by helping them hide money, but by changing how money is perceived, labeled, and claimed within households.

 

References

Aker, J. C., Boumnijel, R., McClelland, A., & Tierney, N. (2016). Payment mechanisms and antipoverty programs: Evidence from a mobile money cash transfer experiment in Niger. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 65(1), 1-37

Dizon, F., Gong, E., & Jones, K. (2020). The effect of promoting savings on informal risk sharing: experimental evidence from vulnerable women in Kenya. Journal of Human Resources, 55(3), 963-998

Heath, R. & Riley, M. (2024). Digital Financial Services and Women’s Empowerment: Experimental Evidence from Tanzania

Riley, E. (2024). Resisting social pressure in the household using mobile money: Experimental evidence on microenterprise investment in Uganda. American Economic Review, 114(5), 1415-1447

Suri, T., & Jack, W. (2016). The long-run poverty and gender impacts of mobile money. Science, 354(6317), 1288-129