WEE-DiFine Announces its Third Request For Proposals

Following two successful requests for proposals (RFPs), BIGD’s Women’s Economic Empowerment and Digital Finance (WEE-DiFine) Initiative has launched its third RFP in tandem with important updates. 

WEE-DiFine’s third RFP will accept proposals for all grant categories: large grants are available for greenfield evaluations and extensions to existing studies, and small grants for measurement studies, qualitative studies, and pilot studies. Teams may also apply for a large grant in conjunction with a qualitative or measurement study grant, or for more than one funding category within the small grants categories. 

Updates to WEE-DiFine’s scope, processes, and offerings  

For the first time, WEE-DiFine will accept proposals for studies in Southeast Asia in addition to proposals concentrated in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. This expansion is motivated by the region’s pronounced gender gap in financial inclusion. Specifically, 12% (117 million) of the 1.2 billion women globally who do not use a bank account reside in four countries in Southeast Asia – Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, and the Philippines. Studies in Southeast Asia can further expand evidence on the interplay between digital financial services and women’s economic empowerment.

In addition to expanding our regions of focus, the Initiative has taken several steps to listen, learn, and iterate. In September 2021, we surveyed teams that submitted to one of our first two RFPs or who started but ultimately did not submit a proposal. We learned that while the majority of applicants found the proposal cover letter,  two-page CV, and letter of support easy to prepare, 32% of applicants reported that the technical proposal and budget were either very difficult or difficult to complete. Participants also requested more feedback and support in the proposal development process. 

Based on this feedback, WEE-DiFine has updated certain submissions criteria to be more applicant-friendly. Additionally, we will offer coaching calls by appointment and drop-in office hours to support applicants.

For office hours, please see the schedule above and join the Zoom link on the appropriate date/time. Teams interested in technical or budget coaching calls can sign up using these links. WEE-DiFine also plans to offer opportunities for feedback to all unsuccessful proposals. 

Applicants are encouraged to consult the full RFP package, including the white paper and budgetary guidelines. Applications for RFP 3 are accepted until March 3, 2022.


Sata Diakite is a Research, Innovation, & Learning Intern at BRAC USA.

The Vicious Cycle of the Disempowerment of Women

On November 14, 2021, Mosammat Kamrunnahar, former judge of Dhaka Women and Children Repression Prevention Tribunal-7, was suspended by the Supreme Court for remarking that rape cases should not be recorded if 72 hours have elapsed since the crime. It is rather disappointing to see a judge in the Women and Children Repression Prevention Tribunal, someone who is meant to uphold justice, dismiss the trauma of sexual assault survivors. However, we must acknowledge that this attitude is a consequence of systemic gender inequality, harmful societal norms, and years of gender-based violence and its normalization in society. 

A woman in Khulna, Bangladesh
Photo: Felix Clay/Duckrabbit licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

In Bangladesh, women’s pathways to justice are blocked out by societal stigmas and preconceived stereotypes. In such a scenario, one might expect allyship and empathy from women in positions of power, who often come from a place of relative privilege. However, this is not always the case. Internalized misogyny and a “rigged” system that dismisses marginalized communities can obstruct pathways to empowerment for women in need, making both men and women culpable.

How misogynistic societal norms condition women

Whilst gender-based violence is rampant even in the urban communities of Bangladesh, its intensity is immeasurable in rural areas, where women cannot escape the vicious cycle that dictated the lives of their mothers, grandmothers, aunts, and sisters. Research conducted by Sultan, Akter, Mahpara, Pabony, and Tasnin (2021), analyzed the experiences of women in seeking justice against domestic violence at different levels, starting from their families to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the formal justice system, during COVID and the remedies that were made accessible. Women experiencing domestic violence from rural and peri-urban areas were interviewed. Both state and non-state actors’ involvement in women’s justice journeys were taken into account. When women tried to seek justice for the violence that they endure at their in-laws’, they were asked to quietly endure the torture for the supposed betterment of their children, advised to behave in ways that make them flawless to their in-laws. According to a national survey of 21,688 women by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) in 2015, 72.6 percent of married women have experienced violence from their husbands in their lifetime. 

How a rigged legal system impedes justice 

The legal system is unequipped to protect the women who are oppressed, especially those who live far away from district towns. For this reason, village courts that are established under the Village Court Act 2006 are an important domain for access to justice at the rural level. However, lack of proper legal facility, limited jurisdiction, and political influence clouds the judgment passed by these village courts. Even when poor and marginalized women seek justice at a formal level, the laws tend to be biased against them. The Muslim Family Laws Ordinance more often than not is grossly biased against women, especially on issues related to marriage and divorce. Section 5 of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961, states that a man with a living wife or living wives shall not contract another marriage without the permission of the shalish council in writing. This ordinance empowers the council to issue licenses for marriage registration, allowing the wife or wives to seek remedy if the husband fails to maintain them equitably. Unfortunately, research by BLAST and the Madaripur Legal Aid Association (MLAA) shows a lack of information about the process. Polygamy was found to be solved outside the Arbitration Council, as local government representatives preferred informal arbitration (shalish) to solve the matters. 

In addition to that, traditional justice is rather convoluted and often inaccessible to women. One of the major reasons that demotivate survivors from carrying on with the legal proceedings is the delays in justice and backlogging. When a woman named Rina (pseudonym) filed for divorce with the assistance of her father, the shalish withdrew the divorce papers and asked both the families to work things out among themselves. It is also reported that lawyers have expressed discontent toward their clients for not understanding the slow pace at which court proceedings move forward. Such instances make it difficult for women to actively seek justice and succeed. (Sultan et al. 2021)

When such situations are taken into account, Mosammat Kamrunnahar’s inconsiderate and cruel remark ceases to come as a surprise. We must, however, also acknowledge the damage that such statements cause in perpetuating the age-old patriarchal system that continuously obstructs the path of justice from women. Gender-based violence does not happen in a vacuum. It is the consequence of the ingrained, casual misogyny, preference for boys in families, the systemic abuse, and the power imbalance that exists in Bangladesh. Women who have overcome societal stigmas and emerged successful exist, albeit very few. The system is constructed to perpetuate age-old violence that holds back the significant half of society. Social and legal reforms must be made to accommodate and serve the women who need it.

Reference:

  1. Sultan, M., Akter, M., Mahpara, P., Pabony, N. A., Tasnin, F. (2021) Access to Justice During COVID-19 for Survivors of Domestic Violence. Dhaka: BRAC Institute of Governance and Development.
  2. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics. (2018). Gender statistics of Bangladesh 2018
  3. Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust. (2020). Response to questionnaire on COVID-19 and the increase of domestic violence against women. Submission for the UN SRVAW’s report to the General Assembly on COVID-19 and the increase of violence against women, with a focus on domestic violence.

Aysha Zaheen and Farhan Ajmaine are interns in the Communications team at BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD). 

Confronting the Upcoming Wave: Community Fort for Resisting COVID-19 (CFRC) Initiative and the Quality Mask

Photo: Dhanista Chakma

Respiratory infections are prevalent and pose a constant threat to society, and facemasks are one of the proven preventative measures against transmission. In several randomized control trials (RCTs), epidemiologists have found that masking up at the community level can significantly reduce the transmission of COVID-19 (Brooks & Butler, 2021). Before the COVID19 pandemic, very few people were familiar with the use of facemasks in Bangladesh; it was deemed to be a tool mainly used for professional needs, by doctors, patients, factory workers for example.

But since COVID19 hit the country, wearing a mask has been turning into an essential ‘new-normal’ for us. Different government and non-governmental development organizations and even political parties and local politicians have been working hard to promote and distribute masks in Bangladesh in an attempt to reduce the transmission of COVID 19. From our recent study on BRAC’s ‘Community Fort for Resisting COVID-19 (CFRC) in Bangladesh’ project, we have observed that such initiatives to normalize masking up face several barriers and limitations in the normalization process of masking up at ground level. We would shed light on some points categorizing the behavioural notion towards mask using at individual and, to some extent, at the community level.

People used masks during the lockdowns partly out of fear of infection and partly due to institutional and administrative rules. Their fear of the infection is also influenced by the strictness of the lockdown and the statistics on infection and death rates. As a result, most people feel the importance of mask use during a lockdown or when infection and death rates are increasing. But another study found that people cannot always relate the macro situation to their individual and local experiences. To grasp the gravity of the crisis, people often cross-check the community-level infection and death rates with the national-level daily updates and, based on their assessment, consider practising COVID 19 health measures, including wearing a mask.

Apart from this, during our fieldwork in September ’21, we observed that usually the individuals follow the community’s mask-wearing practice, not unusual for public behavioural practice. Many people wear facemasks only when people around them do. The respondents—a seasonal migrant from northwest Bangladesh who migrated to the port city of Chattogram before the outbreak of delta variant—informed that he worked as a casual construction labourer before the migration and that he used to wear a facemask like all the other labourers around him. He said,

“I wear a mask when I find my surrounding people with facemasks. When everybody complies with mask-wearing, being without a mask seems foolish”.

But when he went back home, he found a mask free atmosphere in his village, and so he stopped wearing it.

Similarly, people are still using masks inside many organizations where the authorities have made it compulsory. We observed that school and college students complied with mask-wearing as their institutions restricted mask free entry after the reopening in 2021.  Another respondent who is an agent banker said,

“My mother usually wears a niqab (veil), but when she visits a doctor she wears a mask. Otherwise, the doctor won’t serve her. The doctor had put a ‘no mask, no service’ sign on his door.”

To ensure mass masking, many stakeholders have been distributing masks during social and cultural functions and even political campaigns. People expect the organizers to distribute masks to the masses regardless of the nature of a program. Even at an individual level, we found that many people gifted masks to their distant family members and close ones. Nowadays, to the community people, getting masks from different social and political sources has become a common practice. Certainly, mask distribution has motivated people to use masks and reduced their economic burden. However, the mask distribution may not be effective, even if people use them, because of quality concerns.

Most individuals and organizers buy masks from their local markets. But the quality of the locally produced masks is often questionable, and according to the community people, several seasonal mask producers seemed to market low-quality masks. Since the World Health Organization (WHO) declared Coronavirus a pandemic, authorities have urged the public to wear masks but did not specify the importance of “quality masks”. Thus, many people did not know that they needed to wear high-quality masks. Even when they did, they simply could not afford it, a dispensary owner said,

“Since the better-quality masks are expensive, we cannot keep them. I will not get customers. Nobody is going to buy them. So there’s no point in bringing masks from good companies. That’s why I only bring the mask from local companies.”

So, even though people complained that those masks smelled bad and were uncomfortable to wear, they still bought those masks as they needed them in hospitals, offices, banks and educational institutions.

The most common problem of a low-quality is the lack of an additional layer, preventing effective filtration. Some masks smell bad, and thus cannot be worn for too long. For these reasons, mask use is rare in local communities, increasing their exposure to airborne infections during epidemics (Sin, Shin wei et al, 2014).

This problem has somehow been reduced in some places, especially in the 35 districts where BRAC’s CFRC project was implemented. In those areas, BRAC had distributed masks to the community people, especially those who were unwilling to use the mask, could not afford masks, women, and persons with disabilities. BRAC had distributed both cloth masks and procedure masks which had been tested from government-affiliated labs. They used several channels so that they could cover at least 70 % of the population in those 35 districts. Some of the old users asked for more masks during the distribution, and those who hadn’t used the mask before were also persuaded of its quality. Regardless of whether they had ever used the mask, community members believed it to be better because of the BRAC brand value. We observed that people were happy with the quality of the masks distributed by BRAC. According to a user,

“I have used a BRAC mask. Its quality is better than the masks available on the market. I have also washed it twice and still, it feels like a new mask. Moreover, I felt so special because no one had ever given us a customized mask and at such a larger scale. The hotspot mobilizer (the grassroots volunteer of the project) is on my friend list; I have seen his pictures. They distributed masks in several unions.”

Furthermore, BRAC field staff promoted masks, informed people about COVID-19 hygiene practices, and provided information regarding vaccinations, in addition to identifying suspected cases and providing telemedicine when necessary. They included local influential people and leaders, community groups, and community clinics to carry out the grassroots activities of CFRC to build resilience against COVID19. According to a user,

“I didn’t use a mask when the infection rate was higher but now, I use it regularly. Some people mock me for using it after the pandemic. But after meeting the BRAC hotspot mobilizer, I understood the importance of masking and its benefits. Even if the virus is controlled, I think I am going to use it as long as I can. Because it protects me from the dust and pollution.”

Because of the high quality of masks, awareness creation, and community mobilization, those who hadn’t worn masks earlier were now using them, and this experience prompted them to continue using them. BRAC’s attempt to use the NORM[1] model has shown a positive impact on the community.

The fieldwork and engagement with the local people helped us to understand the community’s perception regarding the mask. It revealed that the fear of the virus is hardly a sufficient condition for compliance; communities and authorities play an important role in an individual’s mask practice. But lack of knowledge about the necessity of and high price and availability of high-quality masks are major barriers to mask use.

As scientists and epidemiologists cannot predict how this virus will manifest in the future, it is important to examine the quality of masks available in the market, to improve them, and to encourage people to do the same. This can play a critical role in containing the ongoing omicron variant.

Reference:

  1. Brooks, J. T., & Butler, J. C. (2021). Effectiveness of Mask Wearing to Control Community Spread of SARS-CoV-2. JAMA, 325(10), 998–999. https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.2021.1505
  2.  Sim, S. W., Moey, K. S., & Tan, N. C. (2014). The use of facemasks to prevent respiratory infection: a literature review in the context of the Health Belief Model. Singapore medical journal55(3), 160–167. https://doi.org/10.11622/smedj.2014037
  3.  Tanvir,S., Afrin, S., Saha, S., Ghosh, D & Kamruzzaman, MD.(2021).  Qualitative Exploration The End User Context of BCC Materials on COVID-19 Guidelines and Handwashing, BIGD, BRAC University. https://bigd.bracu.ac.bd/publications/qualitative-exploration-the-end-user-context-of-bcc-materials-on-covid-19-guidelines-and-handwashing/

[1] NORM model –  no-cost free mask distribution door-to-door, offering information on mask-wearing via video and brochures, reinforcement in-person and in public, and modelling and endorsement by trusted leaders;


Dhanista Chakma is a Research Associate and Tanvir Shatil is a Senior Research Associate at BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD), BRAC University.